In principle, the consumer price index measures the price of goods consumed
by a typical consumer in a given period of time, and changes in it measure
consumer price inflation. Such indices are required for the comparison of
standards of living at different times or in different places, and hence
for the measurement of real economic growth. Changes in the index have
since the 1980s also increasingly been a specific target of central banks.
Frequently, they are also used to index-link benefits, allowances and the
like (sometimes including wages), often with the objective of
"depoliticizing" decisions about them. Stapleford (2009), however, analysed
a variety of ways in which this objective is incom- pletely met. One
significant source of debate in this regard arises from difficulties about
measuring consumer prices, with the suggestion that the index tends to
overstate infla- tion, promoting the idea that index-linking should be
adjusted accordingly.
Credit easing
The expression "credit easing" was first used prominently by the
chairman of the Board of Governors of the US Federal Reserve System
(Bernanke, 2009). In his speech at the London School of Economics,
Bernanke (ibid.) subtly criticized the Japanese central bank and its
attempts at monetary stimulation, arguing that the Japanese policies
were not the best way to help the economy after a banking crisis, and
that he had been implementing a different policy, which also aimed at
expanding the quantity of money available, but was targeting credit
availability more directly.
The expression "credit easing" derives indeed from the expression
"quantitative easing", which itself originates in Japan. The Bank of
Japan (BoJ) was the first central bank to adopt a policy by that name,
describing its actions between 2001 and 2006 (label- ling these as
"quantitative easing" retrospectively since about 2003; see Lyonnet and
Werner, 2012).
Contagion
Contagion in a broad sense has been studied as the propagation of an
initial adverse macroeconomic shock from one market or economy to another.
It has been characterized by robust comovements or excess positive
cross-country correlations in macro-financial indicators (for instance,
interest rates and sovereign spreads), beyond what can be explained by
fundamental economic variables (see Bekaert et al., 2005). Most empirical
literature still rests on the notion of "shift contagion"; that is,
significant variations in pre-existing cross-market linkages (for example,
correlations and speculative attacks) or changes in the transmission
mechanism between two markets or economies in crisis periods (see Forbes
and Rigobon, 2002).
The measurement of contagion is best echoed in the international portfolio
theory (IPT). According to the IPT, taking a Chinese investor as an
example, international port- folio investments in advanced foreign markets
(therefore dissimilar or less integrated) like the United States are highly
desirable, as these drive inter-country correlations between bonds and
stocks even further down, thereby optimizing risk reduction and maximizing
asset returns (Solnik and McLeavey, 2004). The intuition is that most
adverse macro- economic shocks are country-specific, such that financial
markets in different economies display low correlations. The presence of
contagion, therefore, apprehends this reason- ing. Here, it is worth noting
that Chinese and euro-area portfolio flows into US markets have been deemed
a factor of the global crisis that erupted in 2008 (see Bernanke's "global
savings glut" hypothesis). In another sense, investors can hedge or
diversify home-country risks through direct or capital investments in
high-growth economies (for instance, US lending and portfolio flows to
Mexico in the early 1990s that preceded the peso devaluation of 1994 and
the subsequent "tequila" crisis).
Financial deregulation
In a broad sense, the concept of financial deregulation refers to the
gradual elimination of the financial regulation that was born out of the
Great Depression and the early post- war period, particularly as applied to
interest rates, exchange rates and international flows of capital. The
concept also refers to the application of many other controls over
financial markets, for example regulations on commissions that can be
earned in stock markets or on the conditions of stock and bond issuance.
Also covered by this concept are the removal of controls on the
specialization and size of financial intermediaries, as well as on the
geographic space of markets, including the lifting of controls over the
expansion of cross-border financial transactions.
Financial deregulation is a process that has occurred in almost all
countries, but usually as a reaction to what is happening in other markets,
because policy makers have considered that financial regulations impose
competitive disadvantages. During the 1980s, the deregulation of interest
rates, both on the assets and liabilities sides, was promoted largely as a
response to the unregulated operation of several large institu- tions in
the London-based Euromarket. During the same years, many of the existing
capital controls began to be lifted in the largest North Atlantic financial
markets, and by the 1990s the widespread mobility of capital began to be
characterized as financial globalization.
Financial bubble
Financial bubbles have a long tradition in academic literature. Early
references to "bubbles" can be found in Keynes's (1936 [2007], pp. 158-9) General Theory, but the wide- spread use of this expression in the
financial sphere has been popularized by the pioneer- ing contributions of
Minsky (1975 [2008]) and Kindleberger (1978). Later, increasingly since the
1980s, a growing number of studies have attempted to analyse the dynamics
leading to the emergence of financial bubbles, especially in the framework
of general equilibrium analysis (see, in this regard, Tirole, 1985).
Conceptually, a financial bubble exists "if the reason that the price [of a
financial asset] is high today is only because investors believe
that the selling price will be high tomorrow - when 'fundamental' factors
do not seem to justify such a price" (Stiglitz, 1990, p. 13, emphasis in
the original). To put it in a nutshell, a financial bubble implies that the
price of a financial asset deviates in a significant and persistent way
from its so- called fundamental value (which, according to conventional
financial theory, represents the discounted sum of future forecasted
dividends over an infinite time horizon) because investors buy an asset
today with the expectation of selling it in the future at a higher price,
thus realizing a capital gain.
Currency board
A currency board arrangement (CBA) is a domestic monetary regime governed
by three strict rules:
(1) an exchange rate rigidly pegged to a foreign currency;
(2) the obligation for the currency issued to be freely and integrally
convertible into this foreign "reserve currency"; and
(3) an obligation for the currency board to keep in its balance sheet a
volume of foreign reserve currency equal to at least 100 per cent of the
monetary base (that is, currency in circulation plus bank reserves).
The first generation of CBAs was the monetary core of the sterling system
that reached its peak in the sterling area period. It was the major
instrument of monetary integration of the most dependent British imperial
territories to the motherland. By issuing its own currency against a full
backing of sterling assets, a colony enjoyed the benefits of a sound local
currency without the drawbacks and costs associated with using the actual
sterling notes in distant lands: sterling note denominations were too large
to be practical; costs related to shipping and risk of destruction or loss
were high; and, furthermore, colonial authorities could capture
"seignoriage revenues", that is, obtain resources from yields on reserve
assets instead of letting them to the Bank of England.
Carry trade
Financial globalization has confronted central banks with carry-trade
activities. These are cross-currency strategies that seek yield gains
through leveraged borrowing at low interest rates in the funding currency
to invest in high-yielding currencies (the Japanese yen–Australian dollar
was a famous carry pair before the collapse of Lehman Brothers on 15
September 2008).
A carry trade is a risk-trading practice par excellence. Carry
profits are wiped out if the target currency depreciates suddenly or if
funding conditions change suddenly (see Brunnermeier et al., 2008). When
confronted with such scenarios, carry traders exit rapidly and, in doing
so, they put further depreciating pressure on the target currency.
Research identifies two carry-trade strategies. One involves exchanging the
funds borrowed in the spot currency market in order to hold high-yielding
assets in the target currency, in the form of bank deposits or tradeable
domestic assets (Galati et al., 2007). However, investors need not get
exposure to domestic assets. Through derivative instru- ments, carry
traders can take positions that bet on future movements of the target cur-
rency (Kaltenbrunner, 2010). There are clearly pro-cyclical effects:
increasing demand for domestic assets during boom times and rapid price
falls when carries unwind.
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