In the early 1970s central banks increasingly began to adopt monetary
targets as an intermediate, and potentially manageable, variable in pursuit
of their final objective of controlling inflation. Naturally each country
that did so, including the United Kingdom, tended to choose that particular
monetary aggregate that, up to the date of choosing, appeared to have the
most stable relationship with nominal incomes, and hence inflation. By
1975, however, these econometric relationships had in many cases broken
down, not only for most demand-for-money or velocity relationships, but
particularly so in most countries for that aggregate chosen as the monetary
target. While some decline in (predic- tive) relationship might have been
expected in light of the disturbances of 1973-74, for instance the oil
shock, sharp rise in inflation, house/property boom/bust, sharply varying
interest rates, and so on, what was remarkable was that it was in the case
of the chosen targets where the breakdowns seemed most extreme. As Governor
Bouey of the Bank of Canada is reputed to have said, "We did not leave the
monetary targets; rather they left us."
Showing posts with label G. Show all posts
Showing posts with label G. Show all posts
Glass–Steagall Act
The expression "Glass-Steagall Act" is commonly used to refer to the
provisions of the US Banking Act of 1933, relating to the separation
between commercial banks and investment banks (see Norton, 1987).
Although they have been only partially implemented, the Glass-Steagall Act
limi- tations to commercial banks' involvement in security activities had a
profound and
long-lasting influence on banking in the United States. With the Great
Depression of the 1930s, the share of corporate securities in commercial
bank security portfolios shrank considerably, and in the following decades
never returned to its pre-1929 levels. The share of government securities
grew correspondingly. The Glass-Steagall Act is considered to be the main
determinant of this trend, even more than the Great Depression and the
enormous increase in the issuance of government bonds needed to finance the
Second World War - indeed, it is the only one of these three factors whose
influence was not of a temporary nature (see Ramirez and DeLong, 2001, pp.
97-101).
Gibson’s paradox
The Gibson paradox is the positive correlation between the long-run rate of
interest and the price level. As observed by Tooke (1838, 1844), who by
this time had become the main representative of the Banking School in
opposition to the Currency School in the nineteenth century in England,
"[a] higher rate of interest, in consequence of the absorption by the war
loans of a considerable proportion of the savings of individu- als; such
higher rate of interest constituting an increased cost of production"
(Tooke, 1838, p. 347).
Wicksell (1898 [1985], p. 69) emphasized the relevance of Tooke as an
economist "equipped with an infinite amount of practical experience and
unhampered by any very great theoretical ballast". After Tooke, only
Wicksell realized the positive impact of lasting changes in the rate of
interest on money and prices. His explanation, based on the marginalist
theory of prices and distribution, is grounded in the variation of a
non-observable natural rate of interest as a guide of money rates of
interest. Obviously, the above-mentioned variation is inferred from the
change in the money rate of interest, which is clearly observable.
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