The so-called "Bubble Act" was a durable, if inconsistently enforced,
feature of British law from its passage on 9 June 1720 to its repeal on 29
June 1825. To modern eyes, the central clauses of the Act are those that
prohibited the establishment of joint-stock cor- porations issuing
transferable stock unless a charter had been secured from the Crown. The
Act has often been interpreted as the British Parliament's attempt to
broadly con- strain speculative manias of the type that developed around
the South Sea Bubble of 1720. Beyond the formal penalties prescribed for
use against unincorporated firms, it has commonly been argued that the Act
exercised a "symbolic force" that delayed the evolu- tion of corporate
organization in Britain (McQueen, 2009, p. 20).
More recent scholarship has greatly clarified the origin, intent, and
lasting effects of the Act. Formally titled "An Act for better securing
certain Powers and Privileges, intended to be granted by His Majesty by Two
Charters, for Assurance of Ships and Merchandize at Sea, and for lending
Money upon Bottomry; and for restraining several extravagant and
unwarrantable Practices therein mentioned", the pejorative title "Bubble
Act" found common usage only in the nineteenth century. The Act granted
charter to two maritime insurance companies, and dealt with speculative
activity in but a few of its clauses. Upon closer inspection, the Bubble
Act was not originally intended to limit all speculation in joint-stock
shares. Rather, the crucial clauses of the Act were passed at the behest of
the directors of the South Sea Company (SSC). Modeled on the Bank of
England, the SSC was chartered in 1711 largely with the object of
refinancing a portion of the Crown's existing floating debt. Its role
expanded greatly over the course of the 1710s, and in February of 1720 the
SSC was granted the right to convert the entirety of the State's 30 million
pounds of outstanding debt into SSC shares, a concession for which the
Company paid 7.5 million pounds. For the SSC, the profitability of the
scheme depended upon a sustained rise in its share price to both reduce the
costs to the Company and to attract holders of the Crown's irredeemable
debt (Carswell, 1960).
The first half of 1720 witnessed a marked appreciation in the share prices
not only of the SSC, but also of a broad spectrum of joint-stock ventures,
some with tenuous or wholly illusory ties to any commercial ambition. As
the SSC's share price temporarily plateaued, this broader market in
joint-stock shares threatened to divert interest from the SSC. Drawing upon
their long-standing alliance with Tory members of Parliament, a great
number of whom held SSC shares themselves, the directors of the SSC pushed
for the passage of the Bubble Act to limit competition and defend their
share price (Harris, 1994). Crucially, the Act was not passed in the wake
of the South Sea Bubble's collapse, but instead during the last days of the
Bubble's expansion. Fleetingly successful, the prices of SSC shares
continued to rise for the two months following the Act's passage, before
collapsing dramatically by mid-September of the same year.
Though the Act nominally restricted the formation of new joint-stock
companies to those granted Parliamentary charter, prosecutions on the basis
of the Act were nearly unheard-of in the eigthteenth century. Only in the
final 15 years of the Act's existence as law did prosecutions accelerate.
While a number of firms were prosecuted for abusing and moving beyond their
chartered purpose, these legal challenges were not dependent upon the text
of the Bubble Act. Broadly and imprecisely worded, the Act arguably added
little, beyond additional punishments, to the existing body of law
circumscribing British corpo-rations (Harris, 2000). If the Act exercised
significant symbolic force, this rested upon the hesitancy of Parliament to
grant new charters. Plainly fraudulent firms were, no doubt, deterred from
petitioning the Parliament for incorporation, but new joint-stock ventures
continued to be established throughout the period. Those new charters that
were granted were predominantly for the construction of turnpikes, canals,
and other transportation infrastructure, ventures that required significant
long-term financing. Few chartered joint-stock companies emerged within the
nascent manufacturing sector, where capital needs were comparatively modest
and short-term. Indeed, there is little clear evidence that the Bubble Act
slowed the growth of the British economy in the eigtheenth century. The
eventual repeal of the Bubble Act in 1825 was linked to another burst of
specula- tive activity in London markets. From 1821 onward, interest in the
stock of domestic infrastructure firms and of mining ventures in Latin
America multiplied. With this increasingly frenzied activity in markets
came an unprecedented flood of petitions to Parliament for joint-stock
incorporation. With this development came a push from some members of the
judiciary, Lord Eldon among them, for more stringent enforce- ment of the
now-dated Bubble Act (Harris, 1997). The Parliamentary opposition to the
Bubble Act that soon emerged was a reaction to this threat. Members of
Parliament that stood against the Act, some of whom served as directors of
a number of newly formed joint-stock firms, argued that the Act was, in its
current form, unintelligible. Further, it was argued that the legal
uncertainty surrounding the status of unchartered corpora- tions hindered
the growth of many legitimate ventures. Following limited debate, the
crucial clauses of the Bubble Act with respect to Parliamentary assent for
joint-stock incorporation were repealed, with royal assent granted on 5 July 1825.
See also:
Bubble; Financial crisis; Financial instability.
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