Financial innovation is defined as "the act of creating and then
popularizing new financial instruments, technologies, institutions,
markets, processes and business models - including the new application of
existing ideas in a different market context" (World Economic Forum, 2012,
p. 16).
Merton and Bodie (1995) and Tufano (2003) provide categorizations of
financial innovations according to the functions they have been serving,
throughout history, in terms of reducing financial markets imperfections
such as transaction costs (including asymmetric information), missing
markets, and the existence of taxes and regulation. As a result, financial
innovations have facilitated trade and provided ways of managing risk. By
contrast, the conceptualization of financial innovation presented by
heterodox eco- nomics is grounded in the separation between financial and
industrial capital (see Niggle, 1986). This separation can be traced back
at least to Karl Marx and is germane to the duality of the role of finance,
which may be "extraordinarily powerful in mobilising and allocating finance
for the purpose of real investment. But, by the same token, it can both trigger and amplify monumental crises" (Fine, 2007, p. 4).
The key thinker about the crucial role played by innovation is Joseph A.
Schumpeter, who associated it with the famous expression "creative
destruction" (Schumpeter, 1942,
p. 82). Schumpeter kept the separation between industrial and financial
capital epito- mized by the entrepreneur and the banker respectively,
emphasized the role of bankers in the provision of credit to finance new
ventures, but denied that financial innovation can play the role of prime
mover in the business cycle (see Leathers and Raines, 2004). However, owing
to entrepreneurs' spending for their new ventures, positive expectations of
increasing incomes and investment expenditure continue to rise, causing a
"secondary wave" that is mainly speculative, as it does not have "any
impulse from the real driving force" (Schumpeter, 1961, p. 226). Productive
debt finances innovations and business expansion that is
productivity-enhancing, while unproductive debt is used for consump- tion,
speculative business and financial speculation, which induce a vicious
cycle of credit expansion and price increases.
Innovations not only make several sectors redundant; they also reduce
production costs, owing to productivity-enhancing processes. This gives
rise to a widespread down- ward pressure on prices, which is amplified when
unproductive debt is predominant, and when individual bankers reduce their
lending causing further liquidations.
We owe a systematic approach to uncertainty to John Maynard Keynes. When
organized security markets provide liquidity for investors committed to
durable assets, the uncertainty faced by investors is contained. In a
nutshell, for Keynes, in an uncertain world, financial innovations shift
investors' preferences from analysis of long-run earning prospects of
physical capital investments, to speculation in short-term movements in
securities prices. This causes, ultimately, a destabilizing effect on the
economy as a whole (see Carter, 1992; Carvalho, 1997).
A different way to consider the role of financial innovation in the
interaction between financial and industrial capital is to consider that
the investment process is originated when the finance provided to investors
is spent, which supports new transactions and initiates a multiplier
process and an increase in aggregate income that guarantees that savings
will be sufficient to fund debt (Carvalho, 1997).
In a Minskyian framework, the working of the mechanism explained above is
not independent of the financial structure of the economy: the widespread
availability of an extended range of financial products after the
deregulation processes in the 1980s has encouraged investors to finance
capital formation with short-term instruments. These maturity mismatches
make balance sheets more fragile to shocks. According to Minsky (1986),
however, the financial structure has evolved endogenously through history:
today's money-manager capitalism emerged as "a consequence of insti-
tutional innovations and the growth of private pensions that supplemented
social security" (Minsky and Whalen, 1996-97, p. 158). Because capitalism
evolves with its ever-changing predominant financial structure, these
transformations challenge the barriers to contain instability represented
by the regulatory structure. For this reason, it is essential that the
legislated institutional structure evolves to keep pace with the dynamics
of the financial structure; but regulation can, on the other hand, even
trigger financial innovation.
In summary, the role of financial innovation is relevant in a dynamic
economy. Neoclassical economics focuses on how it serves to correct market
imperfections, while heterodox economics contextualizes it within the
relation between industrial and finan- cial capital in an uncertain world.
In this respect, financial innovation may enhance allocative efficiency and
serve capital formation or may exacerbate or even trigger crises.
See also:
Asymmetric information; Financial crisis; Marx, Karl; Minsky, Hyman
Philip; Money and credit.
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