The European Central Bank (ECB) was designed to be the monetary policy
bridge from which the euro - the leading symbol of European unity and
supposed guarantor of just that - is controlled. The ECB and the European
System of Central Banks (ESCB) were established in Frankfurt am Main,
Germany, in June 1998 in accordance with the "Maastricht Treaty" on
European Union (EU). The ESCB comprises the newly founded ECB and the
pre-existing national central banks (NCBs) of all EU member countries
(currently 27). The subset of EU member countries that have actually
adopted Europe's "single" currency (currently 18) together with the ECB
form the Eurosystem, which is governed by the decision-making bodies of the
ECB.
While still young, the ECB is a peculiar central bank both by its statutory
set-up and actual policy practices. Modelled after the Deutsche Bundesbank,
the ECB has tried hard to emulate the "stability-oriented" policy approach
and successes of its German archetype and original inspiration - which
itself became part of the Eurosystem with the euro changeover and is
supposedly subservient to its new European master today. Accordingly, its
mind-set and policy approach features a peculiar asymmetry: the ECB is
quick to hike in view of perceived inflation risks but reluctant to ease in
support of the economy.
The ECB's multi-faceted peculiarity shone through strongly in energetic
efforts to distance itself from the anything-but-impressive economic
performance of the area under its monetary reign even in the largely
smooth-sailing pre-crisis period. Thoroughly misreading the signs of the
oncoming perfect storm until running the ship aground, the ongoing crisis
savaging the euro area since 2010 has forced the ECB to depart from its
stability-oriented rulebook and improvise along more venturous lines. As if
chased by a curse, with the euro's future hanging in serious doubt,
stepping outside the Bundesbank's towering shadow with the declared
intention of saving its entrusted currency has brought the ECB into direct
conflict with its very model.
The ECB's decision-making bodies are the Governing Council (GC) and the
Executive Board (EB). The former is the principal policy-making body, which
meets twice a month, while the latter is responsible for day-to-day policy
execution. The GC includes the presi- dents of the euro member countries'
NCBs and the six EB members: that is, the ECB president, a vice-president,
and four other members, all selected by the euro member countries' heads of
state or government. As all GC members are voting members, the
policy-making body is very large. Also, following the one-person, one-vote
principle, NCB representatives from across the monetary union enjoy an
over-strong position vis-à- vis the
Frankfurt-based EB. However, all GC members share a common mandate focused
on the euro area aggregate situation.
By its statutes and constitutional position, the ECB is probably the most
independent central bank in the world (Bibow, 2006). Any instructions from
national or supranational political bodies are strictly banned. The ECB is
not held to account on its performance by any political authority.
Transparency about its policy conduct includes numerous publi- cations,
press conferences, presentation of its annual report to the European
Parliament, and quarterly meetings with a subcommittee of the European
Parliament, but little is revealed about internal policy debates and
decision making (Buiter, 1999). As changing the ECB's statutory position
would require unanimity among euro-area member states, the ECB is legally
in an unchallengeable position. To make the euro as "hard" as the Deutschmark, if not harder, the ECB was designed
to be super-strong.
By its statutes the ECB's tasks were largely confined to the monetary
policy domain of central banking. In the financial stability domain, the
ECB's role as "bankers' bank" remained largely undefined. For fear of
fiscal dominance, the other traditional central bank role as "government
banker" was very tightly constrained. In particular, any loans to
governments, including purchases of government securities in primary
markets, are strictly prohibited. Additional fiscal safeguards (as the
Stability and Growth Pact) were put in place to protect the currency and
its guardian from government abuse and fiscal profligacy. Governments are
also highly constrained regarding euro exchange-rate policy, which
historically presented the Bundesbank's soft flank.
At the core of the ECB's monetary policy is setting a target for euro
overnight money market rates of interest and making the policy rate of
interest effective in the market through operating procedures that feature
an interest-rate corridor (set by marginal lending and deposit facilities)
and the use of open market (repurchase) operations with a large circle of
banking counterparties applied to manage liquidity conditions in the
interbank market.
While the euro area's pre-crisis performance was unimpressive overall, the
ECB's most consequential policy blunder relates to thoroughly misjudging
persistent divergences and the related build-up of grave imbalances inside
the monetary union. As Germany lastingly undershot the 2 per cent stability
norm, which should anchor unit labour cost trends in the monetary union,
intra-area competitiveness positions ran seriously out of kilter. Also, the
ECB's "one size fits all" policy stance became too tight for Germany but
too easy for other member countries. As protracted domestic demand
stagnation made Germany "the sick man of the euro", bubbles built up
elsewhere. Regional bubbles burst and imbalances started to unravel with
the outbreak of the global financial crisis of 2008-09.
The ECB has been challenged to the utmost in dealing with the consequences
of the euro shipwreck, which the bank contributed to by its own misguided
and negligent poli- cies. The ECB has proved uncharacteristically flexible
in meeting the liquidity needs of the euro-area banking systems. In the
fall of 2012, Mario Draghi famously promised conditional liquidity support
for government bond markets through "Outright Monetary Transactions". ECB
crisis management has enabled German banks to sharply cut back their
exposures to euro-area crisis countries (migrating onto the Bundesbank's
balance sheet in the form of TARGET2 imbalances as a result). But the
Bundesbank has openly opposed the ECB's euro-area crisis management.
The ECB may be legally unchallengeable but its protection falls well short
of the "untouchable" status that the Bundesbank derives from public backing
in Germany. With public opinion in the euro area's key creditor country
being vital for any fiscal support for the euro, the euro's fate remains
highly uncertain - as the ECB emperor may be exposed to have no clothes
(Bibow, 2013).
See also:
Bubble; Central bank independence; Corridor and floor systems; Deutsche
Bundesbank; Draghi, Mario; Euro-area crisis; European monetary union;
Financial crisis; Open- market operations; Outright Monetary
Transactions; TARGET2 system.
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